by Nina Hart
On August 21–22,
2014, the American Bar Association hosted the Ninth Annual Homeland Security
Institute in Washington, D.C. The
previous post focused on several major themes of the Institute. This week’s post will focus on issues in
immigration law, which was the topic of several panels. These reflections come from the following
presentations: America’s Immigration Agenda and Executive Power in Immigration
Law. A copy of the full agenda is here.
Part
Two
One topic of
interest at the Homeland Security Institute was improving immigration law and
practice to enhance national security.
Panelists discussed the politics and policy behind previous and pending
immigration reforms and the authority vested with both the legislative and
executive branches that may enable such reforms.
Congressional Action
Congress has been
active—at least in terms of debate—in the area of immigration law for decades,
if not centuries. Much of the modern
immigration system, however, is based on the Immigration & Naturalization
Act of 1952 (INA). The INA has been
amended several times as Congress has revisited certain policy questions in an
attempt to modernize and improve the system.
For instance, in 1986, Congress shifted its attention to illegal aliens,
and passed the Immigration Reform & Control Act (IRCA), which focused on
paths to legalization and, for the first time, imposed sanctions on employers
who knowingly hired illegal aliens. In
1990, Congress returned its attention to immigrants who arrived legally, and passed
amendments to the INA to address visa petition backlogs and how to better
adjudicate family reunification cases.
Since the 1990s, the
two political parties have continued debating these issues, particularly with
respect to increased border security measures and how to address the issue of
illegal aliens. Despite the high level
and volume of debate, no major legislation has been passed since 1996. Much of this inaction has less to do with
policy divergences, but results from political incentives to take or not take
action. As one panelist pointed out, in 2006,
the Senate introduced but did not pass a bill addressing border security and the
e-verify system. At the time, the
parties could not reach a consensus on the substantive policies in the bill. Ten years later, however, the parties have both
moved to the center. They largely agree
that the path to legalization should be longer and more resources should be
spent on border security. However, the
emotional undertones and political forces at work have prevented congressional
action. In particular, the demographic
makeup of individual congressional districts has had a powerful effect on the
political incentives of members of Congress with respect to their stances on
immigration reform. For example, there
are 24 districts with an Hispanic population of over 25%. Republicans Poe and Denham represent two of
those districts, which, at first, may indicate that they have similar
incentives with respect to supporting immigration reform. However, President Obama won one of those two
districts in the last election, which means that these two Republican members
of Congress actually have divergent political incentives. This complicated political backdrop, the
panelists concluded, is largely the cause of the ongoing political impasse on
immigration reform.
This political
impasse is currently playing out with respect to Senate Bill 744 (“SB 744”),
which has passed the Senate and is awaiting action in the House. However, because of the ever-present
electoral concerns, which are magnified by the fact that this is an election
year, it seems unlikely that any action will be taken before the end of this
congressional session.
Executive Action
In view of the
active role that Congress has historically played in the immigration arena and the
current political situation, one key question arises with respect to the
Executive Branch. How much discretion and
“space” do the executive agencies have to shape policy?
At a general level,
there is a consensus that the Executive Branch has broad authority to act in
the area of immigration law. However,
numerous factors influence agency discretion and these factors may lead to more
or less discretion in particular cases.
First, agencies are always limited by what Congress has expressly
mandated. Second, individual actors also
influence agency powers in the sense that the people interpreting the statutes may
reach conclusions about the mandates that vary over time and possibly with what
Congress may have intended. For example,
in 1996, Congress passed the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant
Responsibility Act (IIRIRA). Pursuant to
this Act, agencies had greater freedom to make rules increasing the grounds for
deportation. The ALJs also interpreted
this Act to reduce their ability to grant clemency in deportation cases. Congress disagreed with this interpretation
and subsequently wrote a letter to the agencies to remind them of the many
tools, especially prosecutorial discretion, at their disposal to address
deportation. Despite this letter, the agencies
continued to believe that their discretion had been reduced and concluded that this
was the result of Congress’ action, not the agencies’ inability to properly
identify tools giving them discretion.
Third, where
agencies believe they possess broad authority, the extent to which they shape
policy depends on how they actually deploy the tools at their disposal. For example, prosecutorial discretion is
often the most critical tool in the context of immigration cases. Rather than deport a particular individual, an
agency may grant a temporary reprieve, choose not to bring a particular
proceeding or choose not to bring certain charges. Other statutes have granted similarly broad
powers to the Executive to make individual admissions decisions on humanitarian
reasons or economic reasons. For
example, under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals Act, the Executive Branch
may promise not to deport certain children for specified periods of time. Additionally, Section 235 of the INA permits
the Executive Branch to make asylum determinations and insulates those decisions
from judicial review.
In sum, the
Executive Branch is empowered to “reform” the immigration system by shaping
enforcement priorities and determining how to expend its resources. As noted, however, executive authority is
cabined by legislative mandates. Thus, if
a broader overhaul is to be accomplished, such action must ultimately come from
Congress.